Make Your Own Football Helmet

Posted by admin - January 24th, 2012

Arab revolts of the risks and challenges of unrest in Syria, Canada's enlistment in the U.S. hegemonic policy, UN and Russian games, without forgetting the place of Africa in this new scene, the burning questions that The New Republic has discussed with Richard Le Hir, former member of the Parti Quebecois d'Iberville in 1994 and Minister for restructuring in the office Parizeau, 26 September 1994 to November 9, 1995. The New Republic – Revolts and revolutions, spontaneity of the masses or conspiracy of the West, really, there are many views to describe what is happening in the Arab world. What is your opinion on this?. Richard Le Hir – Not being in the field, I am entirely dependent on the media for my information, as traditional media and the alternative locations. The vision that a foreign observer can emerge from what is happening in the Arab world is necessarily partial, and there is a risk it is therefore biased. That is what incite caution. If opinions are so divided, it is probably that it is not possible to treat all situations on the same footing. Provided we make the effort to learn, it is clear that between what happened in Egypt, Tunisia, Libya and Yemen, or what is happening in Syria, is a world of difference. If an economic downturn is always fertile ground for the expression of a feeling of revolt, the excesses of a corrupt government and away from people can play an important role in accelerating, like oil thrown on the fire. And there will always be opportunists inside or outside to try to exploit the situation for personal gain or for political purposes. That said, there is no doubt in my mind that foreign interests in the Arab world are now exploiting for political instability that prevails, is to consolidate existing positions, or for lasting change in their favor the balance of power. These foreign interests are fairly easy to identify, it is essentially the United States and Israel lying in their wake America's European vassals, starting with France and the UK. Given their economic and political vulnerability, the Arab countries are all prey identified, and the risk they are recovered is very high. But as America no longer has the means of its hegemonic ambitions, disillusionment among recovered will be very fast and instability there will only intensify. RH – What is particularly striking is the gap between what foreign media reports and official reports of sources of information are not aligned in the field. The fact that Assad still firmly hold the reins of power is for me a very clear indication that the threat comes more from outside than from within and is remote controlled as was the attempt to overthrow the Iranian regime in 2009 when the pseudo Green Revolution. It should come as no surprise to find in the Syrian camp of the revolution the French intellectual and less philosopher Bernard-Henri Levy, who did not hesitate to throw its weight behind the media aborted revolution in Iran and we saw struggling with all the strength of his impressive contacts book in Libya recently. We now know with Bernard-Henri Lévy himself that "it is as a Jew" he "participated in the political adventure in Libya." At the first National Convention organized by the Council representing Jewish organizations in France (CRIF), he indeed said: "I would not make your own football helmet have done if I was not Jewish. I wore my flag in fidelity to my name and my loyalty to Zionism and Israel. " The question now arises as to whether Levy loyalty to Zionism and Israel outweighs loyalty he owes to France as a French citizen. It's a question that the French should be asking, and I am surprised they are not likely to do. The ease with which he managed to drag France into the overthrow Gaddafi by force is an eloquent testimony to the disintegration of French diplomacy in Sarkozy and putting it in the interests of the United States, Israel and secondarily , some oil oligarchs close to Sarkozy, including the Canadian Paul Desmarais. The collapse of France's diplomatic is bad news for Bashar al-Assad who now can no longer count on support from Iran, Russia and China. As for the Syrians themselves, there is no doubt that a certain faction aims to overthrow the government in place, but this faction has neither the size attributed to it by the Western media, nor a broad base of popular support, nor the degree of radicalism required to make a revolution, and she does not see that his hopes are fueled by a declining force which, in time, would not be able to deliver due to its precarious economic situation and its own problems. In other words, Syria is currently a lot of people that are handled and die for anything other than the promotion of foreign interests. NR-As a Canadian, how do you explain your country's participation in these wars called "humanitarian," especially in Libya, as you say, "There was a time when Canada was seen as a force for peace in the world? ". RH-Foreigners need to understand that the policy is currently the Canadian government goes against its own tradition since the Second World War and it is by no means a reflection of popular will. To tell the truth, Canadian public opinion was much more comfortable with the image of his army into large contingent of forces peacekeeping UN, peacekeepers, with that of fighters in Afghanistan and more recently in command of NATO forces in Libya. The current ruling party won only 37.5% of the vote in general elections on May 2. It is especially the west and the province of Alberta where U.S. oil interests are very present and very influential. It is this influence which largely explains the alignment of Canadian foreign policy in the United States, while in 2002, Canada, then headed by another party to sit in the east, had as Chirac's France, refused to engage with the United States in the Iraq war. NR

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